One of the central challenges a 21st century Fascist has to face is the application of his ideals which took their current form in the early part of the 20th century to the modern world. The foreign policy of Mussolini was a mixed bag of conflicting ideas. On the one hand the Italian government gave financial support and backing to the British Union of Fascists and several other affiliated overseas Fascist parties, and on the other invaded Ethiopia and Greece in attempts to redress strategic imbalances on the world stage. Other than the amount of time which has passed a major difference facing us from the original Blackshirts is that we lack the power and interests of a party in power as contrasted with being out of power. And we need to suit our ideas and proposals based upon the fact that what’s good for Fascism may not necessarily equate to the national interests as far as wealth accumulation or the projection of power are concerned. This does not imply that we wish ill on our country, but that the interests of our country are intertwined with the growth of Fascism here and around the world. The Nationalism which is part of us must be supplemented with an acknowledgment of the importance of the international scope of our movement. Our survival is dependent upon not just our own victory here in the U.S. but overseas as well. So when engaging people on the Syrian problem it’s important to articulate our opposition to American intervention in the proper form derived from Fascist ideology, and not the arguments of our opponents.
It’s necessary to address the contention that our national interests are tied to the growth of American influence and power overseas. First we have to realize that power never exists for the sake of power. Power is there to push the interests of those who have it, whether it is for financial gain, or for something more supposedly altruistic such as promoting rights or a specific concept of freedom. When you as an individual give your support to an action committed by any institution you are also endorsing the views underlying that action. This is important to keep in mind when considering whether to support a particular foreign policy. America has become a land where deviant lifestyles and behaviors are celebrated, where traditional religion is looked down upon, and where the acquisition and pursuit of wealth has become the end all. When America looks to overthrow the government of Bashar Assad it’s not only to gain more access to their oil and markets, but to create a new and secure ally be reshaping Syrian society to look more like America. To those such as Donald Trump and his neoncon advisors advancing American interests is building nations in a democratic, capitalistic, modern American mold. To support this is not Nationalism or Fascism, but an adoption of the most cynical opportunism the world has to offer. To support your country “right or wrong” is not patriotism but an intentional blindness without ideals or morality. A real patriot is the one who speaks out when his country commits a wrong and attempts to reform it.
Another dominant school of thought when it comes to American foreign policy goes back to George Washington and the founders. The American First Policy which was basically the belief that America should lead by example and not attempt to force its beliefs on other countries but allow them to develop at their own pace. This idea had more relevance during the 18th Century than it does today with economies being relatively self-contained entities which had little effect on each other, so the internal development of countries was generally not the concern of their neighbors. This changed with the growth of Capitalism and democracy throughout the world. Not only did national economies become connected but the Democratic ethos which became entangled with them began to take on the monotheistic religious overtones of the Christianity it was replacing. Any attempt at staying out of the affairs of other nations completely will establish a vacuum which will be filled by other countries that see an opportunity to project their own interests, leaving Fascist governments isolated and under constant siege. Events in Syria demonstrate this well. The two Baathist governments in the region; Iraq and Iran were constantly at each other’s throats with Bashar’s father even supporting and supplying troops to the allied invasion of Iraq in 1991. Once Saddam was ousted the Syrians were left as the only Nationalist/Fascist government left in the region, and a target for the west. Together and united they would have presented a strong, cohesive bloc impossible to take down. Separately they were sitting ducks. Whether the Syrians actually provided a threat to the west was irrelevant. The Religion of Liberal Democracy saw an opportunity for conversion and took full advantage of it.
While Isolationism might have seemed reasonable for a time, events have shown that it’s not feasible. A Fascism which comes to power will by necessity have to adopt an aggressive overseas policy of encouraging and helping other movements. Preferably this would be accomplished with aggressive intellectual articulation emphasizing the universal aspects of Fascist thought along with as needed financial and military support when required. Let’s not forget that the democracies will not hesitate to apply as much pressure as possible to impose their will. We must not shy away from doing the same. The struggle we’re engaged in is international in scope.
The above principles apply well for a party in power but finding a way to apply them while being a niche movement is a different matter. Using the opportunistic language of our enemies while gaining us points in the short term will fail in the long run. Saying that we should ally with Assad because he’s the lesser of two evils, or he’s the best hope of defeating ISIS doesn’t do anyone any good. It provides an extremely unshakeable foundation for our support which can be changed whenever events on the ground merit. Trump’s recent about face provides ample evidence of this, and let’s not forget that we’re dealing with people, many of whom advocated the carpet bombing of Isis held areas which would have caused the deaths of many more people than have been allegedly killed in Chemical weapons attacks. People who share a much different morality than we do.
The basis of any intervention and sacrificing of American lives must be ideological in nature. Baathism as an ideology has its roots in Fascist/Nationalist thought. Its founder Michel Aflaq was a Syrian Christian who seeing the damage wrought by sectarian divisions attempted to unify Arabs of different religions, using their common culture and history as a motivating myth to create a new Nation. Historically Fascist movements have been very insular, failing to realize the international nature of their idea. It’s now time to change this, starting with the former easternmost province of the Roman Empire.
Freedom is not articles in the constitution and texts of the laws. It is not merely a subject for oratory and writing, but action before everything else. It will not enter into our lives unless we give our lives for it. We will not impose its esteem on the rulers and make the people aware of its value and sacredness unless our faith in it becomes a fighting faith and our defense of it becomes martyrdom. (Michel Aflaq, Why we yearn for liberty, 1 -AI-Baath -August 9, 1946)
Is there a realized Arab nation? It is realized to a small extent, but it is realized wherever there is struggle and especially when it is serious and faces death at every hour... In confronting death all deceptions and the burden of centuries of inactivity are lifted, as well as the burdens of ignorance and various selfish interests. All these hindrances, which have made the nation weak and caused it to lose its humanity and its capacity to respond to life and its cultural potential. All these negative and harmful burdens that destroyed our nation will cease to exist when death is confronted. The man who stands up to death is the real man. Man at the hour of death becomes ready to sacrifice his life, and he discovers then the unnaturalness of the consideration, which fettered him: bigotry, and private interests, for death is more powerful than any artificial thing. Our nation exists, then, wherever its men carry arms. (Michel Aflaq The unity of struggle in the Arab Maghreb, 1 -March, 1956)