Application of Fascist Principles to Britain

May 29, 2017

 Oswald Mosley, in his book, Greater Britain, and in more recent speeches and writing, which have taken his ideas still further, proclaims the need for a disciplined corporate consciousness which must prelude the drastic reorganization of the political and economic structure of Great Britain on lines compatible with the needs of the twentieth century.  His policy requires the comprehensive readjustment of the capitalist system, and while modest ownership in property would not only be preserved but expanded so that it found a broader basis within the community, it cannot be disguised that the private control of great accumulations of wealth, and its use in directions which were not considered to be in the interests of Great Britain, regarded as an economic unit, would be rigorously curtailed.  The whole Parliamentary system, which has been so developed in the interests of powerful sectional groups as to make continuity of national policy impossible, and the authority of the executive abortive, would be liquidated.  It would be replaced by a system based on the representation of the productive forces of the country-agriculture and industry; and such a body might be expected to enforce a policy which would ruthlessly ignore all interests which could not be shown to operate to the direct benefit of the people of Great Britain.  The application of Fascist principles, rather than the present democratic theories, to certain problems of empire, would, of course, completely transform the present situation, in which our Parliamentary leaders are awaiting the results of disintegration in a spirit of placid and impotent optimism.

 

But the political and economic implications of Fascism are not as significant as the sequence of moral and spiritual reactions which derive inevitably from the Fascist faith.  Through the stale and weary streets which modern Capitalism has permitted to its industrial millions, from the emptying, blighted fields that fed Britain to her greatness men are called to revolution. But it will be a national revolution, carried in the cold anger of a disciplined intent to integrate the race.  “What I fear”, said Mosley in his resignation speech from the Labor Government, when his mind was already feeling its way subconsciously towards Fascism-

 

  “What I fear much more than a sudden crisis is a long, slow crumbling through the years until we   sink to the   level of a Spain, a gradual paralysis beneath which all the vigor and energy of this country will succumb.  This is a far more dangerous thing, and far more likely to happen unless some effort is made.  If the effort is made how relatively easily can disaster be averted…? What a fantastic assumption it is that a nation which within the lifetime of every one has put forth efforts of energy and vigor unequaled in the history of the world, should succumb before and economic crisis such as the present.”

 

At the present juncture, when the temp of crisis is tending to arouse the awareness of the people, Fascism appeals alike to those elements of the younger minded middle class who are conservative by temperament and strongly nationalist in spirit, and to those rarer and more dynamic individuals who, naturally revolutionary in their outlook, have been disappointed and exasperated by the failure of all leadership from the left to approach any fulfillment of their aspirations. Such are the classic social elements who have in other European countries germinated Fascist revolution.  The British Character, in the placidity of which the democratic parties repose, perhaps, an exaggerated degree of confidence, will not fail, in the event, to respond to the proper stimulus.  Just before the War the widespread movement directed against Parliament, in sympathy with the Ulster Loyalists, assumed formidable proportions within two years of its initiation.  That movement, psychologically limited as it was, and directed only to the safeguarding of certain limited objectives, would-had not the War intervened-have developed into a formidable revolt against the whole theory and system of Democracy in Britain.  The Ulster movement was, in fact, the first Fascist movement in Europe, and its spontaneous development, not only in Northern Ireland, but everywhere throughout Great Britain, is the best answer to those sophists who proclaim that the principles of modern Fascism can find no response in the British character.

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